WOMEN IN THE TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN NIGERIA: THE CONSTRAINTS

There exist a corpus of literature on the trade union movement in Nigeria and its unique position in the industrial relations system, but with little reference to the active involvement of women. Studies by Ubeku (1983), Yesufu (1984), and Fashoyin (1984) are some of the detailed works on the industrial relations process with no reference to participation of women. This has given credence to the assertion that in spite of changes in societal outlook of the capabilities of the Nigerian woman and her significant contribution to the development process (World Bank, 1992), issues in the socio-economic development in Nigeria are rarely treated from the gender point of view (Parpart, 1988). There is therefore an urgent need for studies which uses gender as a socio-economic variable in understanding developments in the political economy. It is in this sense that this analysis which treats women as a theme central to the understanding of issues in labour unionism in Nigeria is significant. Its expositions of the constraints mitigating against the female trade unionist in her bid to participate actively in the process of creating through the labour movement, a society conducive for the industrial growth of Nigeria is crucial to understanding her role in nation building in recent years.

Indeed global changes as a result of industrial restructuring had given impetus to women involvement in paid employment. Moreso, statistics from the 1991 census estimates put women as constituting sixty percent of the population and about twenty-five percent of the actual workforce but studies by Olajumoke (1985), Okoronkwo (1985), and Anugwon (1999) have shown that in spite of the above, their participation in active labour unionism is almost negligible.

In the same way, the trade union restructuring exercises done by the military regimes between 1978 and 1996 made membership of unions automatic, for all workers who are eligible, whether male or female. Also, collective bargaining is done with employers by the trade unions. This presupposes unity of purpose, collective understanding of needs, cohesion in thought and above all absolute trust, in this case, on the part of the workforce. It can therefore be said that legislations by governments in form of the provisions of sections 90 and 144 of the Labour Act and Labour Code of 1974, women’s interest in the collectively bargaining system have been adequately catered for. However, when compared with their counterparts from other nations, women in Nigeria do not take active part in the leadership of labour unions, if at all, women participation is minimal (Vickers 1991).

In the years between 1900 and 1985 explanations of this passive role of women reveal that trade union matters were regarded a solely male issue due to the personality clashes and the hooliganism associated with it (Okoronkwo, 1985). Parpart (1988), for example, avers that rather, women acting as wives and daughters provided traditional support by reinforcing actions of their husbands and fathers in their collective fight as unionists. Thus during the period, while the member of women workers in the formal sector was on the increase, there was less than commensurate participation of women in leadership roles in the unions. The role of women in the context of this paper is conceived as going beyond mere membership of unions, to encompass some involvement in decision making process of the unions.

While a few women have been able to achieve this feat in unions with large number of females such as the Nigerian Association of Nurses and Midwives, there are few women in leadership positions of other unions. Puttin (1984), for example, reports that at the Nigeria Labour Congress, the apex organisation of labour in Nigeria, only one of the forty-six executives was a woman. The scenario remain unchanged two decades later.[1]

This state of affairs is a result of constraints confronting women in their participation in the trade union movement. Some of which are the structure of labour unions, conflict of roles, government legislations and seemingly lack of interest by women. These constraints are discussed in this paper locating same within an analysis of women’s activity in the Nigeria Labour Congress and an industrial union, the Nigeria Civil Service Union, which enjoys the patronage of female wage workers.

Women in the Trade Union Movement

What in essence, may be referred to as trade union activity for the Nigerian woman is found in concerted actions taken by women of Southern Nigeria, who in protecting their means of self employment had organised demonstrations between 1929 and 1938 to force the colonial government to soft pedal on its taxation policy on them. Okoronkwo (1985) reports that these actions by the women achieved their objectives. Similarly, in 1946, women in the Onitsha province rioted to protest the establishment of Nsula Oil Mills while in 1950, it was the turn of the Calabar women (Nwabughuogu 1981). Between 1941 and 1947, Egba Women in Abeokuta opposed the taxation policy on women and all forms of discrimination against women. And, in 1953 Nigerian women formed a Federation of Nigerian Women’s Societies (FNWS) where the voice of all Nigerian women will be heard and known. (Sunday Guardian, July 21, 2002).

These actions, which depict some militancy by illiterate women in the informed sector of the economy was not upheld in latter years even after women gradually through education and self awareness became engaged in formal wage labour. Statistics of women in public and private sector show that women did not benefit from formal education until the 1960s to enable a substantial number to be employed in wage labour. For example, the 1963 census figures put the number of the nation’s workforce at 18 million, out of which only 4.4 million were women. This figure rose to 28 million of a total workforce of 57 million, (1985 census statistics) while a comparative labour force sample survey for 1970/71, 1982/83 annual years owed that the number of women employed in the private sector increased from 39, 464 in 1965 to 741493 or 8 percent of the total employed in 1970/71. However, the analysis showed that 64 percent of the employed women were in the services sector, 13 percent in the manufacturing sector, 12 percent in commerce and 5 percent in agricultural sector. The 1982/83 survey estimated that 11.4 percent of the women within the civilian labour force were employed in agriculture, 6 percent in manufacturing, 11.4 percent in commerce, another 11.4 percent in business services and 19.2 percent in the social services. Thus, one finds that, only from the 1980s did employment of women in formal labour sector witnessed some increase. In fact the recently published federal civil services manpower statistics show that the percentage of women as at December, 1981 stood at 31, 993 representing 12.1 percent of the total staff. By December, 1982 the number had increased to 33,970 or 12.8 percent of total staff employed.

What this means is that the number of women in wage employment only began to increase from the 1980’s. Hence trade unions, which were formed before this period could not specifically cater for the interest of women workers who were in comparative minority. Of necessity, they had to be male dominated. In fact, after the first trade union, the Nigeria Civil Service Union was formed in 1912, it took another twenty-one years before another union, with predominately female workers, the Nigeria Nurses Association could be registered under the Trade Union Ordinance of 1938. Even then, women did not feature in its administration as the study by Okoronkwo (1985) reveals that its executive secretary, for decades was a man.

Scholars have proffered reasons for this development. Fapohunda (1978) attributes this lack lustre approach of women to trade unionism to dynamic economic and social factors operating on both sides of the market. In the Nigerian situation, where the competition for urban jobs is high, employers, influenced by the realities of differential labour costs or by discriminatory altitudes prefer to hire male labour who would not be encumbered by domestic and social demands. And the few women, who having acquired some professional skill and are employed automatically falls into the elite class who unlike their counterparts in the informal sector are unable to appreciate the importance of collective action to defend economic interests (Anugwon, 1999). Such elite conception has militated against women active participation in the workers struggle on the fora of trade unions. Thus the base provided by women action in the colonial era could not catapult women into the realm of notice as labour leaders or activists.

Women workers in the view of (Swantz, 1985) have not yet involved themselves in political activity as a means of putting forward their specific demands. In her study, Swantz discovered that women workers prefer to listen at political parties and union meetings. Although work awakened their consciousness, it did not emancipate them from their traditional roles and positions as support tiers at meetings. Another reason adduced by Swantz is that trade union role and function in the economy is often associated with conflict with authority which serves as deterrent to women’s participation since they do not have the same propensity for conflict as men. Grints (1991) argues that women are not typically involved in militant activity. They tend to be located within the caring professions where professional code of conduct and ethical commitment constrain industrial action. While this may be the case, recent facts have weakened this traditional assumption globally and in particular, Nigeria. Vickers (1991) describes the case of the Filipino women workers struggle against repressive working conditions which made headlines. Moreover, a broader definition of protest reveal considerably more collective labour protest among women workers especially in stereotyped female professions like nursing and teaching in Nigeria in recent years. Also in the former eastern black countries, including Russia, women played active role in labour unionism than their western counterparts.

However, the case of Nigeria, in a sense is crucial. Nigerian women were only exposed to wage or the formal labour market in the latter years of colonial rule and therefore did not even have the numbers to fight an entrenched inferior position. Thus, of necessity, there must be this apathy towards trade union activity unlike in other sectors of national life. However, as Afigbo (1991) has argued, there is the need for women to involve themselves in the trade union movement both as a means of encouraging more women to partake in the formal economic sector and as a way of levelling any form of discrimination against women in employment conditions and legislations at the work place. The type of decision which women in the trade unions can participate in, often depend upon the nature of their involvement. As a professional trade unionist, she is an employee of one of the twenty-nine industrial unions and an active participant in the policies of her organisation. A woman unionist, while not being a professional can also participate at the domestic, local, state or national level. At the domestic level, she must be a worker and a member of a chapter of a registered industrial union. She must also actively participate in union politics. Being a member, she can seek election into the offices of the trade union at any level.

However, several studies on women in black Africa and indeed Nigeria have revealed that although there have been increased participation of women in wage labour in the past three decades, they have not significantly improved their involvement in union affairs, especially in leadership roles. A larger proportion display total indifference to trade union matters. Thus, the lone woman activist is the exception rather than the rule. Put along side their counterparts in the informal sector of the economy, the participation of women workers is minimal. While women traders have acted collectively in the past to protect their interest, the same can hardly be said of the female wage workers. Even today, in Nigeria, women traders still act collectively under the umbrella of the numerous women associations to prevent undue interruptions of collectively agreed prices at each prevailing period. In fact these women form the bulwark of masses of present political parties in Nigeria. But the picture of women wage earners activism is almost nonexistent[2] as the following discussion on women involvement in the Nigeria Labour Congress will show.

The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and Women Representation

The first effort to accommodate women in the trade union movement can be traced to the 1981 to 1985 period when, the NLC in line with the principles articulated during the declared international decade for women, had at its first triennial congress in Kano, in 1981, adopted a proposal by its constitution review committee, that a Women’s Affairs Department be set up at its national secretariat, with the primary objective of promoting effective participation of women in the labour movement. Thus, in that year, a women representation department charged with the following duties was established:

Noble as these ideas were, their objectives could not be realised due to inbuilt prejudice of male unionists who were charged with implementation. For example, the directive from the NLC secretariat that state chapters should set up women wings was regarded as women liberation under the guise of trade unionism, hence only three of the thirty-six chapters heeded the directive. These were the Lagos, Oyo and Anambra State Councils. In fact, the depth of pessimism which followed the establishment of the Anambra chapter had resulted in an attempt by its protem chairperson in her maiden address to allay the fears of critics by reiterating the objectives of the wing as being to “create awareness among women members of all industrial unions, act as a specialised NLC standing committee on women’s affairs, focus attention on the married female workers in particular and finally to do what it can to strengthen Nigeria Labour Congress and its affiliates” (Osiruemu, 1995)

In spite of the above, the lackadaisical attitude of the NLC secretariat persisted especially as the Women’s Affairs Department charged with the implementation of the 1984 resolution was headed by a male unionist. Thus by 1987, the attempt to get women involved in the NLC had virtually collapsed.

In subsequent years, no attempts were made to encourage women unionists to vie for, national vacant positions. Even where new posts were created as in the 1984 Triennial Enugu Congress, where three new post of that of vice president and national trustees were created, no female candidate was nominated for any of the vice president posts. The posts were already shared among the male unionists. Even the post of the national trustee for which there was a female contestant, the males ensured that she lost. This attitude would definitely constrain women from participating in trade union activities. Parpart (1988) describes this unwillingness of men to vote for women in union election as been anchored in the identification of unions both in origin and existence with men. Therefore a method of asserting male dominance is to maintain the institutional structure of the trade union movement.

Take the case of the Nigeria Civil Service Union. The Federal Civil Service Rules, 03201 (a) emphasises, that:

Overtime, the percentage of women employed in the permanent positions in the civil service increased. The 1998 published federal civil service manpower statistics show a decrease in the rate of women employed on temporary basis. Whereas in 1988, the percentage of women on temporary employment was 15 percent, by 1998, the percentage had decreased to 0.2 percent. From the above, it is obvious, the Nigeria Civil Service Union is one union, which enjoys the patronage of a large number of females (about 46 percent of total membership). In spite of this eminent position, which women workers attained in the civil service, their level of participation in trade union matters is still negligible. A study by Olajumoke (1985) showed that women did not attend meetings, did not aspire to elective offices within the union and because of this lack of commitment, there was virtually no representative at any of the domestic or state chapters. In fact only about 8 percent of the officers at the national and state levels were females. Within the six specialised committee of the union, only 25 percent of the members were female and from the northern states of the country, (1990, annual report). The result of women’s disinterest in union activities, is that the union is one industrial union without a women’s affair’s committee within it.

The point of stress is that women which constitutes about 40 percent of the Nigerian working population are not adequately active in the leadership of the trade union movement, both at the national and state levels. Various scholars have blamed the women for their apathy to labour unionism without tackling the constraints confronting them. Some of these factors militating against women active participation in trade union movement are therefore analysed in the next section.

The Constraints

Anugwon (1999) has identified the patriarchal structure of unions as a major constraint inhibiting effective participation of women in the trade union movement. This is in sense that trade union are structured and functioned on the basis of male dominance. In other wards, the legislations establishing unions, their functions, their times of meeting, activities often are tailored to match men only. Therefore, since they are not established with the intention of having women “bossing them” women find it difficult to play very active roles in them. This is what Parpart (1988) labels the ‘patriarchal ideology’ of the unions which negates women’s participation. In looking at the Nigerian situation, Ubeku (1983) shares this view by arguing that societal norms do not exactly encourage a woman to be a leader of men in the struggle for improvements in the conditions of employment. Again there is the existence of subtle intimidation of the female members of trade unions by their male counterparts. This intimidation coupled with the fear of the ‘wrath’ of men have been mentioned as basic components of the patriachalism of trade unions.

While it is acknowledged that Africa is mainly a patriarchal society; but the strong barrier of patriarchy was broken when men in Africa eventually began to accept women as colleagues and partners in the work place. With this innovation, one would have assumed a much easier ride to labour unions political power by women. While residues of union patriarchy exists in terms of the timing of their meetings and their rowdy nature, the real barrier lies in the lack of the determination of women towards union matters. Olajumoke (1985) argues “women have regarded unionism as the prerogative of men”. For a long time, they have been scared of union affairs due to the personality clashes, hostility and hooliganism displayed by the men (Okoronkwo 1985). The problem was further exacerbated by the attitude of some women workers who refuse to participate in union elections in their offices in order not to incur the wrath of their male employers or bosses. Some play the nefarious role of informers to management. Others still regard trade unions as bodies whose roles are mainly confrontational to the establishment. They, therefore think they stand the risk of losing their jobs if they actively participate in unions activity. In the circumstances, they express satisfaction with their lot as long as they earn salaries.

Another factor seen as impeding the participation of women in labour unionism is the conflict of role between their traditional/domestic roles and the demands of formal employment. This factor especially as it concerns the role prescribed by tradition for women is often seen as a peculiarly African problem. Ubeku (1983) was partially referring to the relative traditional subjugation of women in labour matters when he sees traditional norms as militating against women participation in labour matters. The issue is that traditional African society sees the women within the realm of domesticity, hence the woman is measured only by her prowess in child bearing/rearing and in the domestic front. This being the case, the man is the only one saddled with the economic demands of the family outside the immediate family environment. Traditionally, in Africa, a woman’s role is considered to be mainly that of child bearing and child rearing. It can be stated that at a time when women should be acquiring skills that would ensure their effective participation in the labour force, they are preoccupied with child bearing and child rearing since there are hardly any facility to take care of the children while women go out to work (Amon-Nikoi 1978).

The argument is that such a traditional conception of the role of women in society may have been carried over to the formal labour involvement of women. In this vein, women have been forced by development and greater instrumentality of society to seek formal economic sector participation but are still tied down by tradition. Hence they have largely shied away from labour union activism because formal sector economic involvement runs contrary to their domestic roles in society. It is in this perspective that Fapohunda (1978) argues that the full capabilities of women in Nigeria will remain under-utilised and the benefits of development unequally distributed unless society at large and its agent, the government, are determined to develop this potential and are sympathetic to the problems of combining home and work responsibilities.

Afigbo (1991a), while subscribing to the conflict role thesis, comments that a harmonious and mutually acceptable reconciliation has not been achieved between the new role of women in social, economic and political development and their traditional role as the linchpin of the family. But he goes on to assert that it was the opportunity for vertical and horizontal mobility which our indigenous societies provided for women that enabled them to contribute significantly to the synthesis of our way of life. One can surmise from the above that while it may be unconventional from a traditional prescriptive point for women to be in the forefront of the new political and social order of the society, there is no restricting ties in the traditional society that would hinder determined women from becoming prominent role players in social, economic and political development of the country. Also, Afigbo (1991a) calls for a harmony which may be lacking so far between the two roles and not for women to abandon their traditional family roles on the basis of political development.

It seems plausible that conflict of role might arise between women’s traditional roles and their work demands, in fact some scholars have identified family demands as hampering the involvement of women in labour activism (Rees, 1991; Randall, 1987). In this regard, women who have families, suffer from this conflict of roles, are over-burdened by demands from both sides and have little or no time for union activities. In a study of women workers in the United Kingdom, Rees (1991) discovered that women union activists are mostly those without children, family or immediate domestic commitments. In her words, “clearly the only women who felt able to take on union duties were those relatively free from family commitments including a partner” (Rees, 1991). The problem before Nigerian women workers in this regard is mainly that of establishing a harmony between their domestic roles and their job demands. It may be a tough task in view of the strong emphasis on the family in the Nigeria society.

However, with gradual awareness of women of the import of active participation in unions, and encouragement from their male counterparts, these problems are gradually be surmounted. Nonetheless, prejudices will hard. Some male colleagues in unions go all length to frustrate women unionist as happened in the case of the NLC, 1984 Enugu Congress.

Another factor militating against women participation relates to legislation by governments aimed at protecting women at the place of work. Sometimes, spurred either by internal pressures or the International Labour Organisation (ILO) the provisions of such legislations are aimed at eliminating discrimination against women. However, these legislative gestures, when extended to the area of women participation in trade union movement become counter productive in the long run (Agomo 1984); while it has a short term effect of encouraging women, it has a permanent effect of defining women as second fiddle players and a group that needs the agent of society that is governments for hand-out, in the labour sector. Encouraging legislations that are European in style leave untouched some important issues regarding the African women worker. Therefore, legislation may particularly account for the origin of lack of enthusiasm by women in union activities as union politics and the role one plays in them can hardly be legislated. The only option might be for unions to reserve a certain number of percentage of their post for women. Although such move may push women down to their status in the pre-colonial days and enhance the consolidation of a patriarchal stale trade unionism where men decide the benefits that would accrue to women.

How to Increase the Level of Women Participation

The level of women’s participation in trade unions can be raised by educating them to become increasingly aware of their rights and obligation as workers. Already, the rights of women to employment and equal pay for equal work with men, has been guaranteed by the Nigerian Constitution whose provision has also been reinforced by the Federal Civil Service Rules 03201 (a). In addition, the compulsory check off system introduced by labour (amendment) Decree No. 21 of 1978 inadvertently gave leverage to women unionists since like their male colleagues, they contribute to the purse of the union and therefore are entitled to equal say as the male members in all matters effecting them in their place of work. Therefore what is needed to be done is psychological re-orientation of the female worker as to the need to take active part in union meetings as a way to collectively protect their interests. And as Williams (2002) advocates, in order to collectively confront this problem, women must be better informed and organised and there must be enough interaction between urban and rural women. So that a situation is created whereby every woman empowers other women on this issue of leadership. In this regard women professional associations such as the Federation of Women Lawyers, National Association of Academic Women should be encouraged to liase with the National Council of Nigerian Women and various ministries in charge of women matters. Like wise, the formation of such welfare women groups as the Army Officers Wives Association, Police Officers Wives Association, although reinforces the status of women as second class role players could be encouraged albeit with the aim of breaking the conception of women as reserve physical and mental resources to be called up only in times of emergency.

Another way forward lies in re-educating the male to accept that real equality for women in the union game can only be achieved at their expense. Planning of union meeting, days and times of meeting and other feature of union executive itinerary which at present are mostly tailored to fit men should be reviewed.

Also some trade union education needed to be introduced in the form of seminars and conference which should highlight successful women trade unionists as models who are enlightened, liberated, being able to know her rights and obligation and how to fight for them without being confrontational to the authorities. Husbands of active unionists should also be encouraged to uphold the ideals for which the woman stands. Indeed such erroneous views that women should not rub shoulders with men should be discarded and women who do so should not be seen as been unnecessarily assertive. In discussing women and success, a writer stated thus:

In light of the above, family education can play a positive role in emphasising successful women labour leaders as models. Special programmes in the mass media as television, radio and news papers which should include talks, write up and film should be encouraged.

Active women should be appointed and nominated by their various unions as members to delegation to national and international meetings such as the ILO Annual Conference in Geneva. Also there should be equitable representation of women labour leaders along with their male counterparts in government and non-governmental functions for example, appointment of labour leaders to boards such as the Productivity, Prices and Incomes Board and the Industrial Arbitration Panel.

Finally, it is my submission that the full knowledge of the Constitution and legal backing, women must strive to participate equally in trade unions by not looking for privileges but by ensuring that the issue of one’s sex become irrelevant in whatever they intend to do.

Conclusion

The emphasis in this paper has been the constraints facing women in their bid to become active members of the trade union movement in Nigeria. Indeed, it was revealed that although women traders in Nigeria acted throughout history to collectively protect their interest, women workers did not show the same determination. It is this lack of determination and commitment to trade unionism that is largely responsible for women’s current status in the trade union movement in the country. Most obstacles identified as militating against effective participation by women are more in the realm of the orientation and psychology than in terms of physical obstacles. Hence there is need for a more determined approach by women towards prominent roles and leadership of unions.

All the same, it has been pointed out that a way of increasing women participation in trade union leadership is in re-educating the males to accept real equality for women in the union game, educating the Nigerian women as to the need to greater participation in leadership position as well as enlightening the society to its perspective of the successful woman trade unionist. In this way, it is hoped that a gradual elimination of discrimination on sex lines both in the labour market and in the affairs of the unions themselves would be ensured.

References

1. As at time of putting this work together, there is no female member in the national executive council of the Nigeria Labour Congress.

2. In fact beginning from the military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida of 1985 – 1993, the office of the first lady of the federation become pronounced with the activities of Mrs. Maryam Babangida whose glamorous attempt to execute her pet programme for the rural women, opened the floodgate of roles for the woman activist. And such educated women associations like the Federation of Women Lawyers among others sprang up to articulate the needs of women in their professions. In fact, apart from the FIDA, most of other associations are at fledgling stages.

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Introduction