JENDA: A JOURNAL OF CULTURE AND AFRICAN WOMEN STUDIES
ISSN: 1530-5686
Issue 6 (2004)
| JENDA: A JOURNAL OF CULTURE AND AFRICAN WOMEN STUDIES ISSN: 1530-5686 Issue 6 (2004) |
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THE IMPACT OF PETROLEUM REFINERY ON THE ECONOMIC LIVELIHOODS OF WOMEN IN THE NIGER DELTA REGION OF NIGERIA |
Abstract
Based on the premise that globalization infringes on the sovereignty of nation-states through promoting free movement of capital and labor, this paper seeks to delineate the impact of petroleum refinery on the economic livelihoods of women in Africa, using Niger Delta region of Nigeria as a case study. Indigenous communities are characterized by economy in which women are active and bear the primary responsibility of feeding members of their homesteads. However, globalization capitalizes on cultural factors through its he gender segregation and inequality in African society to attain its goal of profit maximization through practice of male inclusiveness in the activities of petroleum refinery to support the supremacy of male economic livelihoods over that of female. Oil companies provide the male population with alternative employment in the oil industry, and/or pay the men “standby”, referring to payment of stipend for no job done. Yet, a majority of women bear the burden for the survival of their household unit, either as the primary breadwinner of female-headed households or of their unit within a polygamous homestead. The paper argues that patriarchy and globalization subjugate women by neglecting and making female economic activities invisible and insignificant. Ultimately, by focusing attention on the operations of oil companies in Nigeria, the fundamental argument based on globalization, patriarchy, and gendering has a wider and global relevance as we peruse the impact of petroleum refinery on women’s involvement in development.
The development of Third World countries including Nigeria remains of paramount interest to the First World that continue to enact policies and implement programs aimed at accelerating development processes. Technology, capital and policy of nation states continue to play significant role in ensuring sustainable development process (Charlton, 1997). Often, the economic interests and pursuits of nation state government of Third world has no human face, as profit maximization and accrued revenue supercede the needs and well being of the masses particularly women (Rao and Pathak, 1996, Elson and Pearson, 1997, Mies, 1998). Ultimately, women’s exploitation in terms of low wages, deregulation of labor unionism, and local government support and propagation of the activities of multinational companies are common features aimed at encouraging globalization as a tool towards development and economic survival of Third world countries (Lim, 1997, Chinchilla, 1977). The resultant effect is gendering of economic activities as globalization inhibits women economic livelihoods at the expense of promoting the economic survival and growth of men (Kandiyoti, 1977, Stoler, 1977). Of great significance is the argument of ecofeminists that development destroys nature, which women sustain and depend upon for their economic growth and survival, as nature is the bedrock of women’s economic activities (Braidouti et al., 1997). Globalization’s destruction of nature means to ecofeminism, men’s intent to oppress women and to perpetuate women’s subordination and as the “other” in the pursuit of economic growth and development (Shiva, 1997). This paper based on the impact of petroleum refinery on the economic livelihood of the indigenous people of the Niger Delta region of Nigeria; depict the patriarchal nature of refinery that enhances men’s economic activities relative to women. The effects are negative not only to women but to the family in general as women remain the primary breadwinner of their homestead either as heads of female-headed households or as primary economic provider for their household unit within polygamous homesteads.
The paper is based on the information gathered for a non-governmental and non-profit organization- Niger Delta Environmental Survey, established to investigate the activities of oil multinationals in the Niger Delta region, in order to create an enabling environment in which all stakeholders can work for the betterment of the people. Invariably, the organization would ameliorate the conflict that impede economic growth and threaten the survival of the people and the companies in general. Niger Delta Environmental Survey, designed and implemented a number of participatory rural appraisal surveys, which is both a methodology and an attitude building aimed at empowering the local people towards working harmoniously with multinational oil companies for their survival and growth, through their recognition and participation in the development process. Another mandate of NDES was to involve those segments of the local communities such as women who have been neglected and inactive in the development process that negates their economic livelihood and made them invisible.
Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) employed multi-techniques of data collection--semi-structured interviews, key informant interview, timeline, transect walk, and mapping to generate wealth of data. Emphasis was not only on generating data but to provide knowledge to the local people as well as learn how they have sustained and nurtured their environment to guarantee their economic survival in the past and under the activities of oil multinationals. The PRA approach meant working with the local people, building their confidence in the project through hiring consultancies team members from the locale while having team leaders with the expertise of conducting such study. Local team members were recruited from a list of persons with the qualifications and skills spelt out by NDES. Teams included, a biologist, social scientist, community development worker, at least a female with the experience of working with women in the locality, and a team leader selected from a list of consultants working with the organization. Two-week training workshops were held for the teams to sensitize them to the PRA approach, build a rapport among team members, and to ensure that goals and data collection techniques are uniform and takes into consideration the interests of all stakeholders in the studied communities, thus allowing a comparative analysis.
The project was a six-month study that saw team members living within the communities and interacting formally and informally with the people. This approach mirrored anthropological data collection techniques that aim at making the researcher part of the community through the individual use of indigenous language or dialect, rapport building and the acceptance of the local people as means of generating wealth of information based on trust. The outcome is often information that are culturally-sensitive, and specific, which form the bedrock of promulgating programs, policies and projects that are sustainable and of far-reaching positive effects on the local people.
The paper focuses on the Ogulagha and Gelegele people in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria, in whose territory lies the vast amount of crude oil. The Ogulagha and Gelegele people like other oil-producing communities in the region, have been ignored by the state and federal governments, apart from the media coverage of the violence that is endemic to the region. Over the history of Nigeria, the colonial administrators, the civilian regimes and military governments have shown little or no interest in the development of the human rights for the Ogulagha and Gelegele people.
The discovery, exploitation and lifting of crude oil from these communities have further worsened any sustainable development and the protection for their human rights. Rather, the federal and state governments have through policies and decrees lay claims to the mineral resources exploration rights of the Niger Delta Region. Land Use Decree gives the state and federal governments ownership to mineral resources and land ownership. The revenue derived from crude oil, which makes Nigeria the fourth largest oil producing country in the world, has gone into government coffers, although the oil producing communities, including Ogulagha and Gelegele have been sidelined and ignored in the process.
Oil exploration exploits the human rights of the local peoples due to their disadvantaged position in terms of social-political power. There were no guarantees of oil multinationals’ commitment to providing grassroots employment and training to the local people. For many years, grassroots employment was based on locally available unskilled workers, with no commitment to training the local people for skilled employment. Locals especially youths and younger adults were hired for seasonal jobs, although the elders and members of the local governing councils such as Community Development Councils (CDC) were paid hand-outs termed “Stand-by”. These practices cause internal divisions among the local people, and between the local people and the oil multinationals.
Ogulagha is located in the Burutu Local government area of Delta state, while Gelegele is in Ovia South west local government area of Edo state, both in Nigeria. The state and federal governments own constitutional and crown control of the crude oil resources. Invariably, the oil multinational operating in these communities, Shell Petroleum Development corporation and Dubril, pay royalties to the state and federal governments, which purport to use the wealth for the benefit of all Nigerians. In the last decade, the Ogoni struggle and the subsequent death of Saro Wiwa, an environmental activist brought into limelight the suffrage of the people in oil producing communities and abuse of human rights in the region.
Our fieldwork in the region, showed utmost disregard for the local peoples’ rights to a healthy environment, in terms of access to pipe borne water, pollution control, rights to gainful employment, and economic livelihoods. In both Ogulagha and Gelegele, the peoples’ rights to economic livelihoods, especially that of women have been abused and neglected. Men and women, especially women who were the primary breadwinners of most households sustained their families and dependants on fishing and exploitation of non-timber forest products such as raffia palm, aquatic animals- periwinkles, and fuelwood. However, oil explorations were perceived by the local people and do reduce the population of aquatic animals and thwart the growth of timber and non-timber products. According to the women, fishing is no longer lucrative since the inception of oil activities in their communities, as:
Fishing takes longer duration and results in fewer fish catch. Fishing tools are inadequate in fishing deep into the waterways. As, they lack the knowledge of fishing in deeper waterways.
The consequences are that the women fishing expedition, starting from 5am to 4pm results in little or no fish catch. The women began to find their traditional fishing tools inadequate for fishing further into the deep waters. In Ogulagha, the women had to depend on migrant fishermen from Ghana for their fishes. It meant the women travelling into the waters to buy off the fishes from the Ghanaian fishermen, either to resell them on landing or to process them by smoking for resale to middle marketers who come to the community in search for fish. For the Gelegele women, there are no migrant fisher-persons to assist them like their counterparts in Ogulagha. This situation arises because the waterways in the two communities differ. Ogulagha lies by the Atlantic Ocean while Gelegele is by Ovia River.
Forests products, timber and NTFPs are also income-generating activities for men. Men harvest, process, transport and market timber products to neighboring communities, and/or use timber for canoe and canoe paddle carving. Non-timber forest products (NTFPs) such as bamboo, raffia palm are used by both sexes for the production of fishing gages, baskets, local gin and wine, cane, and palm oil. Other NTFPs exploited only by women include aquatic animals such as shrimps, snails, Irvingia gabonesis, periwinkles, while men only engage in hunting of wildlife such as cutting grass, antelopes, bush pigs, and deer. Processing of local gin remains a viable economic activity now and in the past, with men and women engaging in segregated and complimentary tasks. Men collect and transport the raw materials in form of local raffia wine to site of processing located close to the riverbanks. Women store the raffia wine, ferments, boil, and process the wine into local gin, as well as engage in the marketing. Proceeds form a joint income used in purchasing and paying for major household expenditures such as building a house, purchasing canoe, fishing equipment and in the maintenance costs of child-rearing.
The resourcefulness of local persons also lies in their knowledge of the environment in terms of soil types, climate, and the suitable crops more likely to yield bountiful harvest. The local people measure the soil types and fertility, merely by rubbing the soil between fingers. This practice enables them to identify the crops that grow on a particular soil and an estimate of the period of planting and harvesting to avoid significant loss. Fallow periods range from five to ten years in the past as the local people practiced shifting and hoe cultivation, due to abundance of land, fewer and homogenous population. Out- and in- migration, were low as communities provided sustenance for the people, and the communities were primarily endogamous.
Indigenous food preservation techniques including smoking of fish and wildlife over fire; hanging of corn over smoke and sprinkling of ashes over corn kernels, drying and frying of cassava pulp remain commonly used as the communities lack modern preservation techniques
Despite the dwindling economic activities for women in these two communities, they are expected to cater for the welfare of their children in polygamous marriages. Polygamy pervades the communities, compelling men to distribute their income between the female-headed units within polygamous unions, concubines, and other extended family members like aged parents, brothers and sisters still in school or pursuing training. The depletion of economic livelihood for results in high school dropout among teenage children, especially early child marriages, and trafficking in girls in terms of prostitution and as domestics to other urban cities. The long-term implication is continued lowering of female status and economic autonomy, and making females highly vulnerable to STD and HIV/AIDS in the growing HIV/AIDS epidemic plaguing the African continent than any other region in the globe.
Another issue in Gelegele is the location of the gas flare, which is of close proximity to the residential area, forest and waterways. The people perceive the gas flare to be the primary source of environmental pollution that have destroyed the zinc and asbestos sheets used for roofing, and the same time perceived as the main cause of skin ‘cancer’, and to have further make the river uninhabitable to aquatic animals. Also, Ogulagha like Gelegele has witnessed a number of direct and indirect deposits of crude oil into the waters and are in court, spanning over a period of five to ten years. In the past, negotiations have led to cases being dropped from the courts after negotiating acceptable compensations for a majority of cases, but for a majority of cases, the oil companies fail to accept responsibility for such environmental hazards. A case reported to us in Gelegele involved a man who became handicapped from the discharge of an explosive in the forest. According to the local people, “the oil companies lay explosives during oil findings and are expected to denote the unused explosives after working in an area”. At the time of writing this paper, the man is yet to be listened to or paid any compensation by the oil company, which claim not liable for the explosive. The local people became both the victim and the cause of the consequences of oil explorations, as oil multinationals hold them liable for oil spills.
Oil pollution has serious consequences to the health and economic activities of the local people. Chemical wastes are continuously dumped into the environment dumped into the waterways, although the oil companies claim to technically reduce the toxicity of their wastes and ‘properly’ get rid of them. Women in Gelegele, showed us during our fieldwork oil waste, which they collect, heat over fire and then use the oil as body oil. According to these women, this oil waste kills or drives away the fishes, leading to a reduction in the fish population and this makes fishing a non-lucrative venture in the present times. In Ogulagha, the presence of oil wastes in the water is observable as the water by the banks is blackened in color and has odor. It is also common feature to find dead young fishes by the riverbanks.
Exploration rights in Ogulagha and Gelegele were negotiated and given by the state and federal governments with the inclusion of the grassroots people. The state and federal governments took the positions that the communities-Ogulagha and Gelegele were not in existence as separate and distinct social and political entities. The state and federal governments had no problem in claiming the oil resources, and then selling the exploration and exploitation rights to oil multinationals. The oil multinationals in turn paid royalties to the state and federal governments. Nigerians of non-oil producing communities receive the revenue from crude oil without examining at whose expense the revue or profit is coming from.
Instead of concluding negotiations with the grassroots people for a just settlement and oil-derivation and distribution formula, all negotiations are thwarted at every point. Definition of oil-producing communities, persons who can negotiate on behalf of the grassroots and the position of non-oil producing communities continue to be a sticking point in negotiations. While the grassroots call for their direct negotiations with the oil multinationals, the state and federal governments purport to be the sole arbiter for the people. Yet, the state and federal government have failed the people through its failure to carry out viable and sustainable development in the area. All of ‘development’ seen in the two communities is environmental degradation and endemic social problems such as drug use and abuse, prostitution, and violence in the region.
Table 1a depicts the types of fishes available in the past and present, as well as the peoples’ perception on their availability.
Oil multinationals have focused on ameliorating the impact of oil explorations/petroleum refinery through the provision of unskilled jobs in the oil industry. Fieldwork activities revealed that men are hired to work in oil dredging, laying of oil pipes, and in lower service job sector such as night guards, security personnel, daily paid labor to provide helping hands to oil technocrats. Such jobs have also attracted high wages, which coincidentally are higher then the income of workers in the public civil service, professors at the universities and physicians. Invariably, many of the male population, especially the youths upon getting a job with the oil multinationals drop out of school. Seasonal jobs with oil multinationals became the aspirations of most youths, rather than the traditional emphasis on education as the tool to a promising career and the future.
Moreover, adult men are given contract license to bid and provide the oil companies with personnel, goods and services used by on shore workers and office work. A majority of these contractors are men while only very few women, three in Ogulagha and non-in Gelegele. A few women also worked as helpers in providing janitorial and catering services in offices and residential quarters in off shore locations in Ogulagha and non in Gelegele.
The common practice was that oil companies negotiated with the community development committees (CDC) on the number of jobs for the male population especially the youths, payments to be made to males employed male and non-employed elders as “goodwill” referred to as “stand-by”. Gender was an issue in job negotiations with oil companies, as women were not considered in job negotiation, contracting and in ‘standby’ payments. These practices of seasonal lucrative jobs with oil companies and payments of ‘standby’ to community elders and members of the CDC further discouraged the male population from engaging in traditional economic activities of lumbering, sustainable farming, and among the youths from pursuing their education or training.
The hand out money termed “standby” from oil companies has encouraged accusations and counter-accusations of community development committee (CDC), for financial misappropriation and use of position to enhance the betterment of their family members. The common feature and trend is growing youth involvement in the local governance, through staging the overthrow of elders, who are labeled as selling out the communities to oil multinationals and the government for their personal advancement. The youths referred to the action of their elders as mortgaging their future and that of future generations, leaving them impoverished in the midst of the crude oil or minerals that account for the sustenance of the nation, foreign workers and investors in the oil industry.
Men also earn income from the monetary compensation negotiated and paid by oil companies to indigenous governing council for the exploration of crude oil. Such compensation tends to provide local coverage and permission for oil multinationals to exploit the crude oil with little or no regard for the well being of the people. Hence, monetary compensation for the exploitation of crude oil, payments of ‘standby’, jobs for selected youths, youth training towards acquiring skills, give oil multinationals the freedom to exploit the crude oil with little or no regard for the local people. The payments of compensations, standby, high income are seen as a ways of mortgaging the resources to oil companies and invariably, takes away the human face of development from oil exploration and petroleum refinery in Niger Delta region of Nigeria.
The neglect or invisibility of female economic activities by oil multinationals, not only renders women economic activities not viable, them invisible in the development process of their locality and the nation. This approach is in tune with the practice of omitting women in development plan, making women an insignificant variable through provision of irrelevant women-centered activities complimenting male-oriented development, and gendering of development (Charlton, 1997, Visvanatban, 1997). Rather, women’s sexuality is exploited and forms the basis of female economic power.
Oil workers and local men use the income generated from oil to purchase female sexuality in terms of sexual partners and the frequency of sexual relations. Fieldwork data showed that men married more wives, kept more concubines, maintain the loyalty of females from or outside the indigenous population. The high income received by men and the payments given to men for no work done, encourages ‘commodification’ of women and result to modern slavery, as women are seen in terms of their sex and the sexual services they render to the men. Women are objectified, bought as commodities and used at the discretion of men, who can afford to purchase their sexual services. Although there are negotiations on the purchase price for women’ sexuality, the women are at a disadvantage as these communities are often flooded up by in-migration of women from neighboring communities and states. Invariable, the forces of supply and demand results in the low bargaining, which places women at a disadvantaged position.
Whether or not grassroots women form part of the labor force in oil multinationals in developing countries like Nigeria is highly visible. Prior to oil explorations and exploitations, whereby economic activities were based on natural resources available-water and forests, work groups were characterized by a social division of labor, whereby men and women performed separate and complimenting tasks. Oil explorations were accompanied by changes in the sexual division of labor, and a new social order emerged in which women and children economic activities were destroyed and made invisible. Rather than incorporate women in the providing alternate income-generating activities in oil industry, women were seen as irrelevant and insignificant in the policies and programs of oil multinationals. Unlike the industrialization that occurred in industrialized nations such as Britain, industrialization or ‘development’ in Nigeria, in oil producing region resulted in provision of economic activities that exclude women. In Britain, ‘new industries’ in the 1920s and 1930s brought significant changes in terms of goods produced, the organization and technology of production (Pearson, 1997). Today, in the era of globalization, we witness the passing of earlier prediction during the industrial era that women would be marginalized from the labor force as modern industrialization progresses to Third World countries, as capitalist relations of production would and employment expanded to these areas became a reality.
Ester Boserup in her pioneered study of women in the process of economic development argued that women were marginalized or excluded from employment in industries, which were the measures of development (Boserup, 1970). Her theoretical perspective depicted industrialization process as involving the transformation of cottage enterprises to firms and factories, which would lead to increasing skill demarcation and division of the labor force. Like Karl Marx in his writings on Capital. Ester Boserup (1970) held the view that this kind of organization will be replicated in all sectors and kinds of production, other than agriculture. This partially provides an explanation for the continued exclusion of women in development, as their economic activities were and remain highly agrarian.
Globalization or ‘development’ is seen as inevitable feature of human growth, and emerges from the practices of capitalism. From our experiences from Ogulagha and Gelegele, we agree with feminists who in their critique of globalization or development link the invisibility of women’s economic activities and the exploitation of women labor in industries (Waring, 1988; Simmons, 1997; Elson and Pearson, 1997). Of concern to critical analysts are the colonial practices of capitalism seen as imperialism; the appropriation of grassroots lands and resources by the governments; the link between governments and multinationals/transnational corporations and its investors; and the issue of ‘development’ or ‘maldevelopment’.
Colonialism continues in Nigeria in terms of imperialism- “the system of military, political, economic and cultural domination of the Third World by its former colonial masters” (Lim, 1997:217). In Nigeria, it is characterized by the failure of the arms of government to include the grassroots in the negotiations and appropriation of exploration rights to the oil multinationals, and the governments enactment of land use and mineral decrees that gives them constitutional claims to mineral resources. These practices make a majority of the people, to be at the periphery of political and economic power. In the economic sector, imperialism a form of colonialism is displayed by the exploitation of crude oil in the Niger Delta region by western oil multinationals. Globalization has failed to aid development in the Niger Delta region as envisioned by classical theorists like Marx through capital investments. Rather, in consonance to the views of ecofeminism and Third World feminism, what is happening in Nigeria like other Third World countries is more of ‘maldevelopment’, and not development per se.
Ogulagha and Gelegele communities remain marginalized from the mainstream social, political and economic activities in Nigeria. Neoliberal practices have failed to consider the interests and human rights of the grassroots people. Rather, the arms of governments continue to exclude the grassroots people or their voices in any processes to garner wealth for the nation. Yet, it has been echoed a number of times that the development needed in Third World countries or the South is a development that is self-reliant, equitable, participatory, viable and sustainable. A development for the people and by the people, relying on the local natural resources and undertaken under the control of the grassroots people (Young, 1993). According to Maria Mies (1998) and Vandana Shiva (1996), the continued marginalization, and social construction of the power relations between the grassroots, state and the multinationals/transnational corporations is a significant component of the political struggle of feminism, particularly, Third World feminism.
The unavailability of jobs for women in oil multinationals confines women to the home, promotes female sexuality for men’s good, promotes early and on-set of sexual intercourse, marriage and childbearing, and fosters dependency of women on men. Destruction of women’s economic livelihoods is for many grassroots women, means staying at home, domestic service, prostitution, or unemployment, to which they were tabooed. Oil multinationals through their discriminatory practices have failed to liberate women from the confines and dictates of patriarchy. Politicization of development process shields investors in a globalized economy and thereby perpetuating the gains of capitalists and their investment among oil-sector investors. Public and private interests become inseparable, as both emphasize male interest, gains and economic advancement over women.
Development makes patriarchy a local and international tool for advancing male economic interests and power at the expense of that of the female population. Indigenous patriarchal structures in terms of local governing bodies- CDC, elder council, youth organizations strive on invisibility of women’s economic activities, as females themselves, and gains from their economic activities, are seen and classified as male property.
In addition, gendering of economic activities past and present also perpetuates gender inequality. I do strongly reject the argument by some Third world feminists that complimentary gender roles point to female economic autonomy and high status in indigenous African culture. Rather, my argument is based on the premise that complimentarity of roles is cultural and perpetuates female subordination, inferiority and makes women to be seen as the ‘insignificant other’ to men. Why? Land ownership a primary factor in the means of production is and continues to be denied women. Women’s lack of access to land ownership limits their economic emancipation, autonomy and power, while continuously keeping women under the control of men. Land distribution and ownership, and the invisibility of female economic activities and self in the activities of oil multinationals remain modern patriarchal structures and process aimed at subjugating and delaying the emancipation of women as equal partners in the society.
This paper also recognizes the argument of ecofeminism that neglect and destruction of female economic activities by multinationals are deliberate attempts to destroy women’s reliance and nurturing of nature for their survival, families and that of their communities. Invariably, development based and defined from a male perspective, aims at destroying the stronghold of Third world countries that have relied on women’s closeness to nature and their ability to nurture their environment. This makes economic sustainability in modern African countries, especially Nigeria difficult if not impossible. I support Vandana Shiva (1997) claim that the destruction of nature imparts negatively on female economic livelihood, which is more an issue of maldevelopment to the women of developing countries, yet seen as measure of development to the operators of development plan and processes. The interests of foreign capitalists or investors and their local partners in capital accumulation are to continue to guarantee the supremacy of the first world over the third world, male oppression and dominance over women, and the wealthy over the poor. Unfortunately, this continues to translate into underdevelopment or maldevelopment in developing countries including Nigeria.
I argue that except patriarchal structures and processes are dismantled and replaced by structures based on gender equality, and the recognition of females as persons not objects or commodities to be bought and used by men at their discretion. Then and only then would women and their economic activities become visible and significant in and for development, and then can we begin to dissipate Nigeria’s poverty. Then will women’s significant roles in economic sustainability and the country’s GNP not be stampeded upon but promoted, enhanced and women seen as equal partners in sustainable development. This argument is based on the premise that promoting female economic activities, not only promotes female autonomy and power, but guarantees the economic, social and political survival of a nation. The visibility and economic emancipation of women allow and act together as a catalytic factor in ensuring sustainable development of nation states. On the other hand, perpetuation of female dependency, neglect or rendering invisible female economic activities spell doom to women and children through increasing child poverty, and also increasing impoverishment for the nation as whole. Invariably, this translates into underdevelopment or maldevelopment as fewer men, of common interests with the international investors, the brain behind globalization are enriched while a majority- men, women and children remain impoverished in the midst of plenty. At the point in history, when female economic activities and emancipation become of focal interests in globalization and the issue of development, would impoverishment of many African nation states, including that of Nigeria be eliminated.
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Citation Format:
Francisca Isi Omorodion. “The Impact of Petroleum Refinery on the Economic Livelihoods of Women in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria,” JENDA: A Journal of Culture and African Women Studies: Issue 6, 2004.
Copyright © 2005 Africa Resource Center, Inc.